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A Call for Solidarity with Columbian Mennonites
Vol. 30, No. 2 IntroductionI'd like to call it something else—a set of issues, or a struggle. But let's face it, there's a war going on in Colombia. It's a multifaceted war involving guerrilla groups, right-wing paramilitaries, drug traffickers, and the government and its military. The United States government is also involved. The U.S. Congress is considering allocating another $1 billion in U.S. aid for the "drug war." Several of the articles below point out that it is simplistic to subsume this conflict under the drug war rubric. But both U.S. political parties are ready to throw money at the war in Colombia framed as a drug war. And our Mennonite sisters and brothers in Colombia are involved in this war—not only as citizens but also increasingly as resources for creative nonviolent response. As the war nears the end of its fifth decade, Colombian Mennonites struggle to keep their vision focused on the society of peace and equity that is their deepest hope and prayer. Let us join them in this prayer and hope as we listen to their testimonies about the war and their faith-based responses. —Editor
Interview with Ricardo Esquivia Indigenous Peoples of Colombia in 1999 Conscientious Objection in Colombia A Mennonite Vision for Peace in Colombia
The Bread of Lifeby Bonnie Klassen The kingdom of heaven is like yeast that a woman took and mixed into a large amount of flour until it worked through the dough. I stood in the kitchen kneading bread, staring out the window. The dough seems like so little. I hardly had enough yeast to make it grow. So many people need this bread... Every day at work I hear their stories, stories of displaced lives. Looking upward to the sign above the office, JustaPaz, they arrive in clans, seeking precisely what the sign says—justice and peace.At one time in their collective memory they did not worry about what they would eat, or what they would wear. Although they did not have much, it was enough, and so they did not fear for the future of their children like they do now. Yet over time the violence began to devour all that they had. Their plot of land was small, but worth blood in the eyes of megaproject developers who would do anything to squeeze them off their farm. Life turned into a daily struggle, as the economic market offered less and less for their crops. Local buyers talked about international competition, taxes and tariffs, but the explanations mattered little. All they knew was that the pesos in their pocket weighed almost nothing. Eventually, men with guns began to arrive. Paramilitary groups. Guerrilla fronts. Military battalions. The armed men all looked the same, with expressions menacing death. If they did not get off the land, they would be killed. Dead neighbors convinced them that the threats were serious. And so they fled their homes, with the sound of gunshots ringing behind them. A new oil pipeline will soon run through their land. Now that the armed conflict has consumed all signs of life and peace there, they can not return in any case. Hopefully the price of oil will rise; here they are paying for it with their lives. I continued to knead the bread, worried about how it would feed so many, but with nothing more to offer. Mixing the yeast with the flour, I prayed that it would be active yeast, causing growth, providing hope, showing love. All around I see their faces. Desplazados—people who have fled from their homes to escape the war and the economic violence. The energy and resources that I can offer do so little to answer their enormous needs. For a long time, few people responded by helping. Fear kept churches from identifying with and standing beside the desplazados. "They must be bad. They must have done something wrong. They must be guerrillas. Why else would they have been forced off their land? They are not telling the truth." Any number of excuses left the churches still and quiet. Not at all like yeast. Alone in the kitchen, I kept checking the dough. Nothing seemed to happen. It is so hard to have faith when growth happens so slowly. Slowly, new people began to sense the pain around them and grow in compassion. Their actions encouraged other people from the churches to wake up and respond as well, multiplying the hands held out in solidarity. Shelters are opened. Clothes, food, and medicines are collected. Land is bought. As Jesus' disciples, people stand beside the victims of violence, offering physical, psychological and spiritual company as the desplazados build new lives for themselves. The workers are few, but at least they have begun to move and act. First in one city . . . then three . . . now in 17 cities . . . slowly. As the churches share their compassion, the vision grows, the resources multiply, the love is purified. Now that I see the dough expanding, I shape the bread and place it in the oven. The test will come by fire. I begin to wonder what good it will do. Flor came to Bogota with her three daughters and the clothes on their backs. Her husband had been "disappeared" two years before. Although the paramilitaries had not physically killed them, life became death. Death of culture. Death of community. Death of dignity. Death of possibilities. They had been forced to leave behind their possessions, but also their entire way of life. The cement jungle would not provide for their needs like the land and the rainforest had. They no longer greeted their neighbors as "uncle" and "aunt." Instead, their neighbors looked at their black faces with scorn, prejudice, and rejection. All the doors had been slammed shut and the foundation of their lives had fallen away. Several months later, Flor obtained money from a church to buy a small baker's oven. Like she had done all of her life, she could once again make bread to sell. The "bread" she had received multiplied into many loaves, providing a source of subsistence for her family. Despite this answer to Flor's prayers, my mind still struggles to untangle many questions. Nothing will give them back all that they have lost. Nothing the church has done will meet the demands of justice. Nothing can remove the scars. The church has not become a savior. Yet it can always break the bread it has and share. In this communion, we will find the miracle of redemption and reconciliation where love and faithfulness meet together, where righteousness and peace kiss (Psalm 84:10). Setting aside my questions, I look at Flor's face. She too has questions, but I can see a change in her expression. Her eyes no longer gaze down with desperation. Although her family still suffers, life has become possible once again. As I watch her work, watch her smile, I see what resurrection looks like. My bread is to do the will of him who sent me to finish his work. We, the church, are called to yeast and to heat God's bread. What is God's will but to bind up the broken-hearted and proclaim, with words and with actions, freedom to the captives who live under darkness and injustice? We are all yeast in the same bread, and so we need to join together in vision and in deeds. Though the yeast may seem little, if we continue to mix it into all the dough, we can count on the power of rebirth and believe that the kingdom of heaven is near and growing. Bonnie Klassen is working under the Commission on Overseas Mission of the General Conference Mennonite Church as a volunteer in the Justice and Peace Office (JustaPaz) of the Mennonite Church of Colombia. We thank her for serving as compiler and translator for this issue. Top
Interview with Ricardo EsquiviaBonnie Klassen: What are the origins of the armed conflict? What are the real roots of the conflict? Ricardo Esquivia: There are certain historical causes existing since the beginning of the Republic. Since the start, this country-project evolved in a very exclusive way, shaped by the sons of the Spanish, that is to say, by the inheritors of the colony. They only saw from their own perspective; they created an exclusive circle of control without opening any possibilities for other groups. Different groups entered into dis-pute over the control of government, which produced many wars. These dynamics produced an unequal distribution of riches. Thus, many factors of injustice have led us to the war situation. The country-project does not include spaces for dialogue. The political opportunities have been monopolized by a few families and their economic groups, not allowing other visions to enrich the country-project. The government has essentially been taken over by the wealthy economic groups and elite families and used as a weapon in the struggle for political hegemony. For that reason, the government lacks legitimacy and has distanced itself from the communities. The government is elected with very low voting participation and popular support so that in order to govern, it has to depend on the Supreme Court of Justice, which to a large degree legalizes the interests of these groups, and on the armed forces to guarantee the materialization of these interests. All of these realities have led to the growth of insurgent groups—some, such as the guerrilla groups, who hold onto a political desire to change the state, and others who want to challenge the economic power of the families that have taken ownership of the country's riches or have grabbed onto drug trafficking as a way of obtaining the economic resources needed to enter into the country's circle of economic bosses. The large masses have only their wisdom, their civil resistance, and their desire to survive to defend themselves. They have survived despite everything imaginable, although they continue to be the victims of a violence that is reflected in two million displaced people, almost 30,000 violent deaths annually, high unemployment rates, and a lack of hope since their life dreams are continually frustrated. None of this violence has stopped Colombians from believing in a better future, from laughing, singing, dancing, and defending themselves by making jokes about their reality. Klassen: Has the armed conflict changed over the many years? Esquivia: It has changed in the sense that it is always becoming more visible, more of an internal war, although what remains the same is that the ones who die are civilians. Klassen: Where does the fighting take place? Esquivia: It seems like the war migrates across the national territory according to certain megaprojects and specific socioeconomic interests. For example, right now there is a lot of displacement along the Colombian Pacific coast congruent with plans to continue the Pan-American Highway and build a new canal. . . . In Córdoba the same happens with dams, in other parts with oil, and in the south of Bolívar Department with the discovery of gold. Klassen: Who are the main actors in the conflict? Esquivia: I think that in order to talk about the Colombian conflict, it's good to look at the different visions of the conflict. There is a social conflict that is more encompassing; there is an armed conflict that is the result of the social conflict; there is also urban conflict that comes as a result of how the cities are affected by the actions of the armed actors, and by all the displaced people arriving to the city. Unemployment is another ingredient of the conflicts. Based on this clarification, we can say that in the social conflict, those involved include the government and its social expressions, the communities that are affected by the government policies, and people affected by unemployment and displacement. Then we can talk about the armed actors themselves:
These groups play a fundamental role in the development of the armed conflict. Groups of drug traffickers sometimes form private armies as well. Klassen: What role is the United States playing in the conflict? Esquivia: The U.S. government plays a key role in the Colombian conflict, just as it plays a key role in any conflict in the world at this time, since with the dismantling of the Soviet Union, the United States remains as the only superpower, with the vocation of being the world's police force and directing world politics. The U.S. government is Colombia's main economic and commercial partner. For that reason, the U.S. can strengthen or shipwreck any Colombian government. We have seen this clearly with the government of Ernesto Samper. The U.S. government blocked the development of his political projects. We consider the direction and nature of U.S. support for the Colombian government as fundamental. On the one hand, if this support includes military aid, the war will intensify, meaning an increase in displacement, unemployment, the number of deaths particularly among civilians. On the other hand, if the support were not directed towards strengthening the armed forces, but rather toward helping the government and the Colombian people to seek peace as the fruit of justice, the U.S. could profoundly assist in reaching this peace as well. Klassen: How can the international community in general play a positive role in the search for a solution to the Colombian conflict? Esquivia: During this era, the world is not isolated. . . . Everything is interrelated. In conflicts such as the Colombian case, the international community participates permanently and directly. First, the arms and technology used in the conflict are not produced in Colombia, but rather in countries from the North. Moreover, the chemical precursors needed to produce drugs are made in the industrialized countries of the North. These realities mean that the international community plays a key role in the Colombian conflict. Beyond strictly economic factors, this can also help us erase the false image that the struggle is between drug cartels and allow us to gain the solidarity of other nations and people groups. The international community can also influence their governments to modify certain policies towards Colombia. Also, the international community has much experience, people highly trained in peace and conciliation, and it has a broad base of resources that could be used in Colombia to overcome the conflict. Klassen: What is the relationship between the armed conflict and the drug trade? Esquivia: We have said that Colombia suffers from a social conflict that is a result of injustice and the inequitable distribution of riches in the country. One of the results of the social conflict is the armed conflict that has manifested itself for the last fifty years, and consequently, the different armed guerrilla groups became organized. A separate consequence of the social conflict has been the total closure of different political groups to those who offer something distinct from the traditional parties, and the economic hegemony of a few families in the country. Within this reality, the current economy arose. At first, this simply involved the black-market selling and buying of basic goods, then the clandestine emerald market, later marijuana, a problem that ended once the U.S. produced more marijuana than Colombia, and finally cocaine and heroin. Essentially, this last stage of cocaine and heroin has emerged in the last 15 years, becoming more severe due to the erroneous treatment given by the U.S. to the drug trafficking phenomenon. The armed conflict and the drug trade are two products of the social conflict, but they began separately. However, when military aid from the U.S. and from other governments began to support the Colombian government's war against the Colombian guerrillas, the Colombian guerrillas started to collect taxes from the drug traffickers to finance themselves. At this point a relationship between the armed conflict and the drug trade arose, but neither one is a consequence of the other, nor is one dependent on the other. There are guerrilla groups, which are actors in the armed conflict, and there are drug cartels, supported by cartels in the U.S. and in other countries. These two groups have completely different objectives. The guerrillas are not drug traffickers, and the drug traffickers are not guerrillas. Klassen: Describe the peace process under development right now. What do you think will happen? Esquivia: I think that at this moment there are two types of agendas for peace in the country. One of these agendas emerges from the negotiation process between the government and the guerrilla groups—the negotiation agenda. The other is the social agenda for peace, coming from the Colombian people, which goes beyond simply negotiating between the government and the armed groups. It contains the negotiations between the government and the guerrillas, but does not end there. Rather, it seeks to find political solutions touching the roots of the social injustice that produces the armed conflict. Regarding the negotiation agenda, the "peace process," I believe that the current government led by Pastrana has advanced in this process more than any previous government. But it is not easy. To reach an agreement on this level will be very difficult and will involve the succeeding governments as well. We must fill ourselves with patience and not build up our expectations too high. A conflict that has carried on for almost fifty years will not resolve itself in one year. A stumbling block for the process is the isolation of the government and the guerrilla groups from civil society. The process does use the experience, contacts, and influence held by civil society. Agreements could be reached without a base of consensus on a social, societal, and popular level. Consider what has happened with other peace processes in this country, where after reaching agreements, some of the guerrilla groups were demobilized, but other groups rose up and the war continued. The peace movement in Colombia is made up of people who sincerely want peace but who have not overcome the war strategies that they have lived out. For many, peace is the absence of war. They have not yet embraced the concept of peace as the fruit of justice, as reconciliation, understanding reconciliation as the reconstruction of lives, of trust, love, respect, and mutual care. This process is slow. Above all, the process requires pedagogical actions. Yet I believe we are moving ahead and little by little we are drawing together and giving texture, form, and direction to the social agenda for peace, seeking a new project for our country that might include all of us. Klassen: What can the churches do to support the peace process? Esquivia: One of the main results of the social conflict and the war in Colombia is the rupture of trust between the different communities. This reality helps to produce confusion over what kind of peace we want, and distances us from forgiveness and reconciliation. I believe the church's role is to demonstrate a vision of peace as the fruit of justice and to be a healing space, offering consolation to the victims of violence and the people who suffer and helping to build integral life projects. The churches of Colombia are ambassadors of the Prince of Peace, and they hold onto a message that leads to abundant life with dignity. As churches we need to fulfill our mission to be salt and light, not to quiet our proactive voice of protest as part of our prophetic ministry. Suffering people need a message that gives them back their life, their hope, a message that does not lock them into a labyrinth of guilt, desperation without hope leading towards death. We should transform our congregations into sanctuaries of peace, where the Colombian people, regardless of their political and social positions, as victims of the armed and economic violence, can find a refuge of peace and receive training, consolation, and material support for their needs. We cannot forget that we the church are the body, the hands, and the feet of Jesus of Nazareth. Ricardo Esquivia is the director of JustaPaz and the executive secretary of the National Assembly of Civil Society for Peace. Top
Indigenous Peoples of Colombia in 1999by Hector Mondragón The situation of Colombia's indigenous people in 1999 was affected by the serious economic and political crisis in this country. The worst aspect has been the legislative and administrative offensive actions taken against the indigenous people, motivated by the national government's need to obtain natural resources found on indigenous territory as it tries to resolve its fiscal deficit and the economic crisis. Although the culturally indigenous population in Colombia only makes up 2 percent of the country's total population, their territory extends over 21 percent of Colombia, and contains a high percentage of the natural renewable and nonrenewable exploitable resources. For example, over 50 percent of the petroleum is located on indigenous territory. It seems as if the indigenous ancestors dealt a bad hand to the conquerors: The Europeans forced the indigenous people off the land suitable for agriculture and limited them to supposedly "bad" land, such as jungles, high plains, and deserts, where petroleum, gas, coal, gold, immense biodiversity, and rivers for travel and hydroelectricity are being found today. The indigenous people are living on top of great riches that Western society now wants to take ownership of. In Houston, Texas, last November, Colombian President Andrés Pastrana and Minister of Mining Luis Carlos Valenzuela promised transnational petroleum and electricity company leaders that they would guarantee top operating conditions in Colombia. Offensive acts against efforts toward harmonyIn 1991 Colombia ratified the indigenous people's right to be consulted previous to all legislative or administrative decisions that might affect them, and previous to all exploitation of resources on their territory. At the end of the previous presidential term of Samper, without consulting the indigenous people, Decree 1320 of 1998 was issued modifying the requirements for giving licenses to exploit natural resources on indigenous territory. Decree 1320 limits these consultations to areas "inhabited on a regular and permanent basis" by indigenous "communities." The indigenous people are given a maximum of 24 hours to meet in a case where they are not in agreement with the consultation, and if an agreement is not reached after two meetings, the government decides what to do on its own. Decree 1320 does not recognize that several indigenous groups have seasonal migration patterns, so they do not permanently inhabit one place. The Decree actually intends to deny the indigenous people's right to be consulted. Although Decree 1320 violates articles of the Constitution, the State Council (an advisory body that debates and gives feedback to the Colombian government on laws and decrees that it is considering) supports its validity. The Constitutional Court, however, declared it to be inapplicable to the Embera Katio when this indigenous group presented a judicial act against the Urra S.A. hydroelectric company. The Constitutional Court decisions have contradicted the State Council on several occasions, but unfortunately the determination of the constitutionality of administrative acts lies within the State Council's jurisdiction, and the government has taken advantage of that fact to flagrantly violate indigenous people's constitutional rights. The State Council is the Colombian Constitution's Achilles' heel. Other examples of the offensive acts against indigenous peoples include Decree 1122, Article 142 of 1999, coming from the Pastrana government, which tries to open up the possibility for the government to unilaterally extinguish indigenous property rights on collective Reserve lands. This Decree was issued based on extraordinary powers given to President Pastrana by Congress. Since the decree would have become law, it was examined by the Constitutional Court and declared unconstitutional. Fortunately the Decree was annulled. However, it demonstrates the clearly anti-indigenous intentions held by the present government. The Embera Katio and U'wa casesThe government's offensive is not limited to decrees, but also is expressed in actions. The experiences of the Embera Katio of the high Sinu River and the U'wa are especially telling. The Embera Katio are victims of the Urra 1 hydroelectric dam construction, which has destroyed all fishing in the Sinu River basin and isolated the indigenous people. The Embera Katio won a legal action before the Constitutional Court after the local tribune in Córdoba denied their rights. However, an aged Embera leader, Alonso Domico, was assassinated by paramilitaries after the court ordered a temporary suspension to the filling of the dam. Later, Lucindo Domico, the head of the delegation from the Embera of the Sinu and Verde Rivers that went to negotiate with Urra S.A. regarding the fulfillment of the court's decision, was assassinated on April 24, 1999. Urra S.A. and the government, under the shelter of the local tribune of Córdoba, have not implemented the court's decision; they have proceeded to fill the dam, without guaranteeing any repair for the ecological damage done or accepting or recognizing the indigenous people's right to benefit from the project as stated in the Constitution and as ruled by the court. The indigenous people have refused to leave the flooded zone and have organized a 700-km march to Bogotá. In another region of the country, the Minister of the Environment has issued an environmental license to drill the Gibraltar 1 well, against the will of the U'wa people and without any consultation. For that reason, the U'wa have occupied the drilling zone and have decided not to allow any further drilling. They have said that they are willing to die or commit suicide if the drilling continues. The violenceIn this context of transnational pressure on their territory, one must gain a picture of the violence committed against the indigenous people. More than 300 indigenous leaders have been assassinated since the Constitution of 1991 recognized the indigenous people's rights. Paramilitaries, the national army, the police, the guerrillas, large landowners, and hired assassins have committed these killings, which in all cases support the interests of those who want to move the indigenous people off their land. Not only indigenous people, but also their collaborators and sympathizers are assassinated or threatened. This is the case in the deaths of Terry Freitas, a North American collaborating with the U'wa campaign against the Occidental Petroleum Company, a Hawaiian educator, and the president of the Indigenous Women of the United States, all assassinated in March 1999 by a front of the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) in El Arauca. A Spanish volunteer, Inigo Eguiluz, and a Colombian priest, Jorge Luis Mazo, were assassinated in November 1999 by a paramilitary group in Quibdo, Chocó. They had been working among indigenous and black communities, helping people who have been displaced by the violence. Indigenous people have managed to avoid being displaced in many cases, partly due to their knowledge of the land, especially in the jungle, and because the Constitution of 1991 declared the Reserves as untouchable. However, some indigenous people have suffered forced displacement from their land, particularly from the land near the Atrato River, where an interocean canal is being planned. The indigenous people fear that at any moment they will lose all guarantees to their land rights and fall into the same tragedy of forced displacement that more than a million rural workers have faced, as bullets push them off land where megaprojects will soon begin. Even if the direct violence does not displace people, the megaprojects seriously affect the indigenous communities. Petroleum exploitation in the Magdalena Medio region during the first half of the twentieth century exterminated the Yariguies and the Aripies indigenous groups. In Catatumbo and Putumayo, petroleum exploitation by Mobil Oil and Texas Petroleum led to the drastic decline of the Bari and Kofan population, and to a dramatic reduction of indigenous territory. Similar reductions occurred among the Hitnu and Sikauni indigenous groups near Cano Limón, Arauca, due to exploitation by the Occidental Petroleum Company. The Urra hydroelectric dam condemns the Embera Katio to hunger and cultural destruction. The Achagua, Piapoco, Saliva, Sikuani, Amorua, and Cuiba indigenous groups are all exposed to the effects of the megaprojects growing out of the privatization of the Meta River. The Embera and the black communities suffer terrible consequences from the canal project on the Atrato River. The roots of the violation of human rights and indigenous rights in Colombia lie in the advancement of investment and "development" projects that go against the indigenous people's will and sever their cultural, environmental, social, and economic integrity. The violence of the armed actors in the Colombian conflict can only be stopped if the government changes its attitude and begins to recognize the indigenous peoples' right to unity, territory and autonomy. Hector Mondragón is a member of the Colombian Mennonite Church and works as consultant for the National Organization for Indigenous Communities in Colombia. Top
Voices That Sing and Askby Martha Santanilla
Our Father Nervous laughs, lit candles, faces painted white, children singing to the rhythm of the music and asking God why there is so much pain and sadness. It is the year 1998 and these children sing before a group of people. At the end, we hear much applause and some people draw close to congratulate the children. For some, this is the first time that they have received applause. Other days like this one came, and they learned well this song that was part of their hearts because it expresses the same questions that they have asked themselves. However, receiving people's affirmation and appreciation never became routine; it was always a gift. They know that in spite of their life condition, they have much to offer and deserve to be loved as human beings. They are a few of the thousands of children today in Colombia who have had to flee from their land and their roots to protect their lives. We hear the voices of thousands of children who daily live through the tragedy of a war that they do not understand, a war that makes them witnesses to indescribable scenes of violence at such a tender age. These children's voices have much to tell. They speak of fear, needs, memories, dreams, hope. . . In Colombia there are approximately 1.5 million people living in a situation of displacement due to the violence. They are not displaced people by nature, by essence. They have ended up in this situation as a consequence of social, political, and economic factors. Of this number, 55 percent are under 18 years of age. On a daily basis, many families emigrate to the large cities and end up in marginalized zones. They arrive with the pain of abandoning their land, their homes, and their animals, with the pain of losing parents, brothers, sisters, and friends. They arrive with the fear of being in a strange place, needing to confront all the problems of a big city. Those responsible for the displacement include those actors who play a protagonist role in the internal armed conflict and those who violate human rights and infringe upon international humanitarian law norms. The members of the global society who tend to resolve conflicts in a violent way with alarming frequency are also responsible. The statistics hide even more serious issues: emotional and social scars on a generation of Colombians that might only perpetuate this state of violence. They have inherited a war that does not belong to them—a war over one of the richest countries in the world, whose riches largely remain in the hands of large business and industrial leaders. On top of these other problems, the children often lose their right to education, which has such great value. Many school-age children (6 to 15 years old) do not manage to enter school after being displaced and when they do succeed in finding a classroom, they suffer strong difficulties in concentrating, understanding, and completing tasks. El Tiempo, a major Colombian newspaper, published this in an article on the scars of displacement among children: A displaced child's normal psychological development has been interrupted. Many of these children demonstrate learning problems, a lack of concentration, and memory problems, all of which cause considerable delays in their educational process. The structuring of their personality also suffers effects. They become alarmed, anxious, and demonstrate sleeping disorders and difficulty in concentrating on simple tasks. Based on our experience with children during the last two years, we have reached the conclusion that strengthening the children's own culture through concrete expressions like dance, music, puppets, and organized recreational activities helps facilitate the process of adjusting to the city and combating the violent effects of having fled from their land. When they are given responsibilities, under appropriate guidance, they are capable of surprising us and, more importantly, able to surprise themselves. One of the greatest rewards in our work is being able to feed children's spirits so that despite the calamities of life, they recover their joy and hope. They learn that they can contribute toward making Colombia a better place. We continue to learn from the children. We learn to see them as children whose faces light up while playing with toys. They give and receive hugs because they know, beyond any theories, that their support system grows out of love. We are learning to build peace in this country from their child hearts that can forget a wrong done and continue playing together. The challenge continues and we want to carry on working for and with the displaced children of Colombia. Martha Santanilla currently works with Mennonite Central Committee in Bolivia. Top
Conscientious Objection in Colombiaby Maricely Parada How many times do we as human beings feel like we are in a cage that seems to have no door out? Surely whoever experiences this state needs to make some sort of decision, and there are reasons that make this difficult, even traumatic. Our Colombian society, like many societies right now, offers a wide variety of situations, each with its own justification, seeking to suck people in from different cultural levels, social classes, and above all children and young people, so that they, without reflection and almost irrationally, take on these lifestyles that have been obeyed throughout history regardless of ethics, morals, philosophies, politics, or religion. Rights to intimacy and to freedom of expression and conscience have been displaced, thus contributing to the growth of indifference and individualism. Seeds of peacemakingTalking about conscientious objection in Colombia means looking back at the development of Mennonite principles in Colombia. This process began in the year 1945, with the first missionaries who sowed seeds that in the last ten years have sprouted up as a concern to start dialogues about militarism and the relevance of conscientious objection in our Colombian context. Without doubt, we owe our progress regarding conscientious objection to the values that were first sown during those early years among a group of young people who would later lead the growth of the Mennonite Church, and who have been producing fruit, although slowly due to the violence that only intensifies as more groups join the increasingly polarized conflict. The first Mennonite Church programs came under the title Objectors for Peace. Today, JustaPaz focuses on the promotion of nonviolence and conscientious objection and also works indirectly through the Collective for Conscientious Objection in Bogotá. JustaPaz and the Collective examined Colombian laws closely, seeking alternatives for conscientious objection in our country, and then took steps to promote, sensitize, and publicize this proposal. Our Colombian government's reluctance to concede the right to conscientious objection, and the violent context that we are immersed in, have pushed us to develop work recently including judicial mechanisms and direct nonviolent actions. The case of Luis Gabriel Caldas León is a good example of our journey. Convinced that he would not enter any kind of military "service," he declared himself as a conscientious objector. He was arbitrarily inducted into the police force and later convicted as a deserter, even though he never joined any military force. He simply refused to take up arms and asked for alternative service instead. This young man spent six months in prison and was later persecuted for his position. A parallel process arose with a group of young people of the age for military "service" who belonged to the Program for Training Peacemakers, promoted by JustaPaz and supported by the Mennonite Biblical Seminary of Colombia. The program sought theoretical and practical growth in living out the gospel and nonviolent values, facilitating a servant attitude toward the community as an alternative to military "service." It is very important to discover and strengthen the young people's life choices as they dare to think differently and refuse to collaborate with diverse forms of domination. The young people confront their principles, become more analytical about the reality that surrounds them, and seek to influence its transformation. With this foundation to examine a society in crisis and lacking values, young people can reject violence and the actions that try to suck them into this violence. Colombia still obliges young citizens to define the military status as an indispensable step towards citizenship. Although our fundamental objective has not been reached, we have received a decision from the high courts of our country supporting religious freedom of conscience. However, young people who do not come from a religious background and who base their position on Article 18 of our Constitution ("Freedom of conscience is guaranteed. No one shall be persecuted for reasons of convictions or beliefs nor compelled to reveal them nor obligated to act against their conscience.") still do not have many options, and so our work continues. Apparently there is now some flexibility in defining one's military status, since the initiation of a project for the gradual phasing out of obligatory military service. But this project contains certain advantages for high school graduates in urban areas, and discriminates against young people in rural areas. These youth have no options within their context of indiscriminate violence, unemployment, and poverty. They are more vulnerable and therefore easily recruited by the armed forces for training to fight against the guerrillas and the drug traffickers. They are also recruited by the guerrillas, the paramilitaries, and delinquent groups. We have much work to do in facilitating and accompanying the growth of new programs in these regions, so that rural youth and those who have not completed high school can consider the possibility of conscientious objection to promote peace in the midst of conflict. Beyond antimilitarismObjection to militarism goes beyond the decision to take up arms or not. Conscientious objection becomes a criticism of a society that makes money off of death and aggravates social, economic, and political differences, thus creating more conflicts that will later be resolved through violence. The society reinforces anti-values through irrational ways of thinking such as machismo and hatred of imaginary enemies. These anti-values work against freedom and thus also against creativity. Reality today shows us that our work has not been in vain, and although we have not reached the legitimation of conscientious objection, we continue with our process of sensitization, training, and organization with children, young people, teachers, parents, and all sectors of society. Freedom, as the source of our rights, becomes possible through its vigorous expression, such as conscientious objection, historically and practically defined as the disobedience to norms, impositions, and orders that go against one's conscience. This re-fusal allows us to continue rebelling against the injustice and seek change. Upon the arrival of a new millennium, we can say that conscientious objection remains relevant and grows as a tool while we are searching for peace in our country. Just as forms of authoritarianism, violence, and slavery vary, so too conscientious objection and its nonviolent strategy must adapt its expressions to respond to current situations. Maricely Parada is coordinator of the Peacemakers program at JustaPaz. Top
Beyond the Drug Warby Rachelle Schlabach The United States is leading the response of the international community to the conflict in Colombia. There are various factors behind U.S. involvement, including a concern for regional security (particularly in light of Colombia's proximity to the Panama Canal) and Colombia's production of illicit drugs—which usually end up in the United States. In the past several years, policymakers in Washington have directed increasing attention to Colombia. Their focus has been largely on the "drug war." Colombia produces 80 percent of the world's cocaine and is a growing exporter of heroin. But U.S. efforts to reduce this production have been largely unsuccessful. Last year, the United States allocated $280 million to fight drugs in Colombia, but coca production there increased by 26 percent. Fueling the warEven more troubling is that U.S. military aid is fueling the conflict in Colombia. Recent assistance included funding for a special counternarcotics battalion operating in a contested zone and increased intelligence support for the Colombian military. Earlier this year, the top U.S. official in charge of drug policy, Barry McCaffrey, stated that it is becoming nearly impossible, and irrelevant, to differentiate between efforts to fight the drug war and efforts to fight the guerrillas in Colombia. The guerrillas are regularly called "narco-guerrillas" in Washington, a term that only tells part of the story. The guerrillas do receive a substantial amount of their funding from taxes imposed on poppy and coca grown by peasants in guerrilla- controlled territory. But paramilitary groups profit heavily from the next stage in the drug process—trafficking the drugs from Colombia to the United States. And paramilitary groups are commonly known to be linked informally to the Colombian military at local and regional levels. Hence, sending money to the Colombian military in an effort to reduce drug production seems counterproductive at best and, at worst, a weak cover for greater U.S. involvement in the war. There are numerous other problems with U.S. efforts to "fight the drug war." One problem is the U.S. method for eliminating drugs—aerial fumigation, or spraying chemicals on fields of coca or poppy. The chemicals harm the environment and can reach fields of legitimate crops. But the greatest concern is that U.S. efforts may actually increase human rights violations. Paramilitary groups commit the majority of human rights abuses against civilians. While the military has removed several top generals who were linked with the paramilitaries, such improvements remain largely cosmetic. Close collaboration still occurs between the military and paramilitary groups. Increased funding for the military would almost certainly escalate the war in Colombia and mean more civilian displacement, disappearances, and intimidation. The U.S. government is planning to send an aid package to Colombia in the coming months of up to $1.5 billion. The majority of the funding (up to $1 billion) would be directed toward the military and security forces for counternarcotics. But the debate in Congress over Colombia needs to move beyond simply fighting the drug war. Much more aid needs to be directed toward ways to reconstruct the fabric of Colombian civil society. Ways to support peaceThere are many aspects of the civil society that could benefit from U.S. assistance. Many initiatives for peace from the civil society could be supported. The judicial system could be strengthened through witness protection programs and increased funding for investigations. Both governmental and nongovernmental organizations could receive grants for human rights education and training in conflict resolution. Similar agencies could also receive funding to meet the basic humanitarian needs of the nearly two million persons displaced from their homes by the war. Such aid should include longer term assistance to help them adjust to life in a new region. Crop substitution programs can assist small farmers who otherwise could not afford to switch to legal crops. Finally, the United States needs to look inward and direct increased funding toward drug treatment and prevention programs in our own country, thereby reducing the demand for drugs. The United States is on the verge of plunging further into the civil war in Colombia and escalating the violence that is already occurring. But there is much potential for the United States to play a more constructive role, providing support for the peace process and needed economic assistance. The U.S. government needs to think seriously about which role it wants to play and which actions are more likely to foster true regional security. Rachelle Shlabach is legislative assistant in the MCC Washington Office. Top
A Mennonite Vision for Peace in Colombiaby Jenny Neme and Pablo Stucky IntroductionIn observing our country's current sociopolitical situation, we believe that the churches with an Anabaptist tradition have an important role and message to bring to this difficult reality of conflict that exists on different levels of the Colombian society. Through fully living out the saving good news of Jesus Christ, we seek to develop a practical proposal and assume a clear nonviolent stance. The church seeks to present a Christian alternative to violence, not through a heroic life only suitable for strong men and women, but rather as a community of brothers and sisters who give testimony to the Lord whose Spirit lives among them through their shared life, forgiveness, reconciliation, fraternal admonishment, and joyful willingness to share each other's burdens. It is a community where everyone offers their lives for the others (1 John 3:16). We envision churches that become Sanctuaries of Peace. This alternative means presenting Jesus Christ as mediator for new agreements among Colombians, and offering ourselves as servants, putting to use the gifts, talents, and ministries that we have inherited from our ancestors in the faith. JustificationThe roots of the current cycle of violence and war in Colombia began to surface approximately 50 years ago. Although the dynamics of the conflict have changed over time, our country continually falls into this vicious cycle of violence. The end result of the problems found in the different areas of the national system is seen through the collapse of current everyday living conditions in our country. Presently civil society (the unarmed population) brings life to different processes in search of peace and those who are working among these civil society efforts have made some advances. Although some representatives of the Mennonite Church actively accompany this process, we challenge congregations to take on collective actions in response to the general needs created by the war, and to build the peace of God's kingdom. We believe that a collective proposal for peace from the Mennonite Church and other Anabaptist churches should arise out of a deep commitment to our Lord Jesus Christ, and take into account the following points:
Why is it the church's duty to respond to the current situation? Christ sends out the church as the Father sent him. We remember that in Jesus the Word of God became human and "lived among us" (John 1:1—14), and in him we live out the glory of God, full of love and truth. We identify ourselves with the real- world situation in Jesus Christ and suffer all the pain of this humanity without embracing the sin (Hebrews 4:15). In this sense, if Christ was sent by the Father to forgive, redeem, and reconcile humanity, the church has the same role to play among women and men. The teachings of the gospel of Jesus call men and women to follow him and live out a Christian life alternative, which is a community of shalom. As John Driver would say, the faith community's concrete way of living already anticipates the Kingdom of God, looking toward the day when it will fully arrive. Based on the Anabaptist vision, the church "should not be known by God alone, but should also be evident to any human observer. This church should be recognized for its repentance, rebirth and the new life of its members" (Arnold Snyder, "Semillas de Anabautismo, crecimiento mundial," in Correo, the Spanish-language publication of the Mennonite World Conference). This call to be like a city upon a mountain is an invitation for the church to be light, a sign, and a refuge for many, especially in the middle of conflict (Matthew 5:14, Philippines 2:15, Isaiah 49:6). What Is a Sanctuary of Peace?It is a people. It is a people that continually meets together to pray, discern, and seek God's direction. It is a people full of the Holy Spirit that embraces human beings affected by the material and spiritual war raging around them. It receives them and affirms them as persons in the peacemaking gospel of Jesus Christ. This ministry becomes not only light and hope for many people under darkness, but also a clear step forward in living out reconciliation with God, with ourselves, and with our neighbor. It is a people where every person's inherent value, talents, gifts, and ministries are rescued and discovered in order to serve God and all Colombians. In this way we reproduce Jesus' mission to "seek and save what has been lost." It is a people that models shalom, God's integral salvation. It seeks personal, family, spiritual, and social recuperation, not only affirming the dignity and life of people in our society, but also building upon a nonviolent way of life through our everyday interpersonal and national relationships. It is also a proposal:
It is an actual space:
This article was compiled by Jenny Neme and Pablo Stucky as a result of workshops held with pastors, church leaders, and youth from Mennonite, Mennonite Brethren, and Brethren in Christ congregations in Colombia. Neme and Stucky are coordinators of the Construction of Peace in Churches and the Community at JustaPaz. Top |
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